DPS Bond Sale

In good news for the district as it begins to recover its financial bearings, DPS successfully sold a first tranche of the $454 million in bonds approved by voters last fall.

The sale of about $150 million worth of bonds by Denver Public Schools ended Tuesday — the first round of sales to raise capital for a $454 million construction program the city’s voters approved in November. […]

The bonds were sold at a yield, or interest rate, “in the low 5 percent range,” Rodriguez said. “It was approximately what we were expecting.”

What’s not clear is how the bonds were structured – DPS (as with similar municipal entities) had previously held bonds that matured weekly; when the credit crises hit, the market for buyers dried up, forcing the district to pay a contracted, high-single-digit rate (which I expect it further negotiated).  While these new bonds have a final maturity date of 2029, it’s not clear if they mature weekly or not.

As others have noted, expect to see some stimulus funding coming Denver’s way as well. Which brings one to a startling paradox: this may soon be the best financial footing the district has been on in a generation. This is no small achievement, and is a great credit to the previous and existing DPS administration, and hopefully a precursor of future success in academic achievement.

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What can turn DPS around?

DPS Board Vice-President Michelle Moss quoted in Monday’s Denver Post article:

“We are turning to charter schools and innovation schools, but even if we serve 10,000 more kids in charters, the vast majority are still in Denver schools that are dramatically underperforming,” she said. “Charter schools cannot turn DPS around.”

I used to agree with this truism a lot more; now I am less sure it is accurate.  It sure helps if district schools could show considerable improvement, but I no longer believe that the size of the district precludes considerable success from charters, even as an isolated group.  Let me run through both sides of the argument — and I am assuming that the primary goal here is to increase student achievement, particularly for low income (FRL) kids.

On the “can’t turn DPS around” side: DPS has roughly 75,000 students, of whom about 50,000 are FRL.  I’ll skip the math (see footnote at end) but one would need about 100 new high-performing schools to fully address this FRL population.  So one would need to replace over half of DPS schools with charters — yet so far we have seen at most 2-3 good Denver charters open in any single year.   To paraphrase what another DPS board member told me once in conversation: Charter don’t scale.

Now, let me look at the other side.  First, what I think is a more pertinent question: “What is DPS doing that is more effective than charters?”  The unfortunate answer is: not much.  DPS’s progress during the current reform movement — progress that has been generally praised despite averaging less than a 2% annual increase in proficiency over the last three years — is minimal.

Taking a percentage increase off a small underachieving base does little to nothing for meaningful numbers of Denver’s students. Two quick stats to consider:

  1. Michael Bennet got a lot of mileage from pointing out that in 2005, only 61 latino and 33 black students passed the 10th grade math CSAP.  Let’s assume that these percentages have increased in the same ratio to overall proficiency.  So in 2008, 65 latino students and 35 black students (100 total) would have been proficient at 10th grade math. That is an increase, in 3 years, of just 6 more proficient minority students. Think that is too low an estimate? While we wait for DPS to provide an update, let’s add 50% more — and you can still fit all 9 students comfortably in a minivan.
  2. Based on data from a recent report, just 357 of district graduates in 2006 managed their first year of college without remediation  – which is just 14% of all seniors, and only 8% of those who entered into 9th grade.  The likely improvement here – in numbers of actual students –  ensure it is another one-vehicle solution.

Compare these numbers now with Monday’s other news — an ambitious plan from the Denver School of Science and Technology (DSST).

DENVER  … Responding to Denver Public Schools (DPS) new schools RFP which calls for new and improved secondary schools (grades 6-12), DSST will help fill this need by replicating its highly successful model.  DSST’s expansion to serve 4,000 students will double the number of four year college-ready DPS graduates by 2020. [my emphasis]

Read that again: A single charter organization will double the number of DPS graduates prepared for college.  An organization with 4,000 students will prepare as many for college as one with 75,000 students. If they achieve this metric (and I would not underestimate DSST given their track record), it is a remarkable step forward.  From this year’s senior class of 91 students, all have already been accepted to 4-year colleges – which would place DSST second in producing college-ready students based on the remediation data, despite a senior class about one-fourth the size of your average DPS high school.

DSST is one organization – there are probably 3 others in Denver with the ability to make a similar impact. It is unlikely all four will be successful, but what if just two others are?  Three organizations with 10,000 students producing 1,500+ college-ready students a year, compared to the 357 DPS produced in 2006?  And compared to the estimated 100 minority students proficient in 10th grade math? Does that not qualify for turning DPS around?  And if not, can anyone present another scenario which is more likely and has a higher chance of success?

So, back to the initial subject – is Michelle correct that student achievement would happen more quickly if some district schools could show substantial improvement?  Of course.  But where is the data-based narrative or proposal for how this success might arrive?  Beacon schools begat Innovation schools begat Performance schools, all to little effect.  And as much as I admire the school leaders at Manual or Bruce Randolph, they have moved their schools from the bottom of the heap to merely the better of the worst – and these are the most successful stories in district open-enrollment schools.  Where is the district equivalent to DSST or KIPP?  In the ideal scenario, charters would be but one of many different tactics for overall improvement – but where are the alternatives that show similar promise?

And why, might one ask, are there no other alternatives with similar potential impact?  On Monday night, two innovation proposals squeaked through the DPS board with a single vote margin (4-3), despite being recommended by their individual school leadership and with the support of over 90% of their faculty. How bold are these proposed reforms?  Suffice it to say that most (if not all) successful charter schools would reject these models of antonomy as woefully incomplete.  Is this the sort of innovation that has a better chance at turning DPS around?

At the same Monday meeting, DPS announced that its annual request for proposals yielded applications for 36 schools, 25 of them charters (70%). Now not all (or even most) of these applications either will or should be granted, but it’s pretty clear what tactic has the most force and momentum behind it. And, as a friend reminded me, at some point – be it at 20% or at 50% of students in high-performing charters — the fundamental rulesof school reform are likely to change.

Charter don’t scale? Sure, I’ll agree with that, with the caveat that in public education, absolutely nothing scales.  There is no idea or program that has shown it can increase student achievement across a district significantly and quickly.  Education reform is a long slog, and if there is a better catalyst for improved academic performance in Denver than charter schools, it better show up soon.


Footnote: math as follows – Start with 50k FRL students.  Of these, being optimistic, perhaps 15% attend good schools (FRL rates range from about 10-30%, but the number of qualifying schools and programs are limited), so let’s assume we have 35,000 still in failing schools.  Assume that an average charter holds 350 kids, and continuing our buoyant optimism, is both 90% FRL and achieves 90% proficiency. You still need about 100 new schools to get to 80% proficiency with those FRL kids.

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How to kill innovation

The Denver Post reports that the DPS Board is split on allowing two schools to adopt different practices under the recent School Innovation law.

A battle is brewing over two Denver schools that are seeking freedom from a host of state laws and regulations — most notably the hiring and firing of teachers.

Monday, Denver’s school board will vote on whether Montclair Elementary and Manual High schools can become “innovation schools” under a statute put in place last year. The board appears to be split.

Three members will probably vote against the proposal, and three members are staunchly for it. Jill Conrad, an at-large member on the Denver Public Schools board, appears to be the swing vote.

This debate, apparently focusing on teacher hiring and firing, comes shortly after Post reporter Jeremy Meyers’s piece calling the district out both on zero teachers being fired for performance last year, and the continued practice of “direct placements,” where teachers are assigned to schools even if principals do not want them.  Apparently, changing the hiring and firing process to put more control in the hands of the school principal is anathema to a system where there is not a single performance-based dismissal in a district of 4,5oo teachers where students lag the state proficiency averages by thirty points.

The problem here is simple accountability: One cannot in clear conscience hold a principal accountable for a school where s/he does not choose the teachers (imagine if a professional athletic coach could not choose who played and who sat on the bench).   Without control over who is in the classrooms with students, the ability to make a meaningful impact to a school is badly diluted.  Who of us in our professional lives would not argue for the ability to choose the people we manage?

The Innovation Schools Act was first weakened, and a watered-down version finally passed.  Intended to serve as a catalyst to innovation, its core principle is simple: allow school leadership to make changes that they believe will help student achievement under a careful process of application to the local school board.  All of just three schools in DPS have risen to this challenge (Bruce Randolph, Montclair Elementary and Manual).

Rather than allow two of these (Montcalir, and Manual for an expansion of waivers from its application last year) to continue to experiment with school-based reform, we now have board members who believe both that the status quo in teacher hiring and firing is sufficient, and that their views should trump those of the school’s leaders.  The irony of school board members, usually the most voracious proponents of local control, choosing to overrule school leadership — in just two of 140 schools — is apparently lost.

I am now of the opinion that — in contrast to both the national stage and Denver’s burgeoning charter movement — education reform in Denver’s district schools is dying, and will likely be dead within months.  Should these innovation proposals fail — and they arehalf-pregnant reform strategies — it will serve as one of a long line of exhibits of how the traditional interests that line public education kill innovation and reform.

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Race to the bottom

In the reflection of Obama’s speech comes a strong editorial from the NY Times with a clear explanation of why national standards are important:

The nation has a patchwork of standards that vary widely from state to state and a system under which he said “fourth-grade readers in Mississippi are scoring nearly 70 points lower than students in Wyoming — and they’re getting the same grade.” In addition, Mr. Obama said, several states have standards so low that students could end up on par with the bottom 40 percent of students around the globe.

I will add a personal reflection by a somewhat older relative of mine who grew up in the UK:

It is fascinating and  so complicated in a federalized nation–much easier in the UK where we all took the exact same exams based on testing the same basic curricula all across the nation and — in those days — across the British Empire. I remember meeting Africans and Indians my age and we had all read the same Shakespeare play and Victorian novel for O Level exams.

I have yet to hear an argument against national standards by someone who would not lose power.  I’m interested in the rebuttal.

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School board elections

With Denver’s school board elections inching closer – with at least two open seats and four seats total to be decided – a recent election in Los Angeles may serve as a harbinger:

Candidates backed by the teachers union won Tuesday’s contested races for the Los Angeles Board of Education, but they will answer to not only the union but other powerful political forces, including the city’s mayor and backers of charter schools.

It’s not clear to me that the candidates are correctly portrayed by the division of union v non-union – at least one seems to have a wider base of support, including charter advocates.  But with the potential for a majority coalition elected at one sitting this November, Denver should pay attention.

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Out-of-bounds parents at Bromwell

A remarkable article about Bromwell Elementary’s problem with out-of-boundary parents:

A school in one of Denver’s ritziest neighborhoods is asking parents to swear under the threat of perjury that they live within the school’s attendance boundaries in an effort to find people who sneak their kids into the school.

When I talk about public education in Denver I usually start with two points: 1) It is far far worse than most people realize (there are virtually no good open-enrollment middle or high schools) and; 2) It is not quite bad enough to mandate real reform, as savvy middle-class parents are able to work the system to get their kids a decent education.

This is a pretty clear indication of #2, although it would seem that the cracks are showing.  Bromwell has enrollment of about 325 students; assuming 1.2 kids per the 30 identified families, we are talking 36 kids, or over 10% of the school, and quite probably more (and I doubt it is limited to Bromwell). This paradox of “really bad – yet not bad enough” creates a stasis that perpetuates a poor system and inhibits reform. If there was ever an advertisement for the need for better choices across the entire district, this is it.

But cutting beneath the basic dialogue of name calling (plenty of that in the article comments), this reveals a complex set of issues.

First, it is that we are talking predominantly about affluent parents — both those who live outside the boundaries and those inside.  The FRL of the school is less then 10%, and I doubt there is a 1:1 correlation (Bromwell’s SAR shows less than 1% black or Latino kids – non-white is limited to Asians).  While middle-class parents are inventive (I’m being polite) to get their kids into a better school, the 67% of DPS families who are poor don’t even have that option – to attend Bromwell, one still has to present a legitimate address, even if it is not yours.

Second, the primary problems in DPS are dropouts, ELL students, and the achievement gap – particularly across middle and high schools.  This issue – affluent parents sneaking their kids into top schools – is not in the calculus (which is partly why the parents are taking it on themselves).  It’s evidence of the pervasiveness of parent unhappiness with local choices.

Third is that there is a sense of entitlement here which – while not an excuse – has the veneer of rationality.  Many of these inventive parents earn a decent living, pay considerable taxes, have chosen to live within city limits, and believe with some justification that the city should provide good choices for public education.  I don’t excuse this, but I understand it (and it is worth noting that the Bromwell district is a peculiar shape, so affluence does not correlate perfectly with school).  The district school closest to Bromwell is Moore Elementary. Bromwell has an overall proficiency rate of 93%.  Moore, with 75% FRL has a proficiency rate of 35%. That’s a pretty big gap.

Fourth is these are parents fiercely protective of their school and kids.  This is the same school where parents were instrumental in generating a change of school leadership.  On one hand, you have parents falsifying records to attend; on the other hand you have parents trying to govern the school.  Cross either group at your peril.

Parental inventiveness is not limited to Denver.  As Van Schoales points out in an earlier poston local control, some parents may even be headed to jail due to their efforts to find better public education options.

I’ll repeat: Public education in Denver is far far worse than most people realize and it is not quite bad enough to mandate real reform. At the point where the parents who cannot get their kids into good schools are as powerful and pissed as the Bromwell parents trying to keep other kids out, maybe we’ll get some sustained, non-incremental reform strategies.

Lastly, a quick hat-tip to the increasingly-inquisitive Post reporter Jeremy Meyer (also see his blog).  With this story, and his previous one on principal bonuses, Jeremy is shedding some important light on education issues.

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Compensation potpourri

First, a piece in the Denver Post on bonus for principals in DPS:

Nearly $1.7 million in bonuses was given to principals and assistant principals in Denver Public Schools last year in a program meant to attract top educators to the urban district.

The incentive plan is being revamped this year after leaders of several schools with abysmal academic achievement were rewarded — even if their schools were slated for closure.

My thoughts on the Denver compensation plan for teachers (ProComp) are lengthy and generally critical – I don’t see much difference in the plan for principals.  However the most important aspect of a new compensation plan is the willingness to try something different, and the ability to make changes when the plan is not working as intended.  I’d far prefer to see compensation plans instituted that have flaws and are improved than see the status quo on principal (and teacher) pay.

As an apres ski, a critical editorial from the Washington Post on the DC Union’s response to Rhee’s offer on performance-pay.

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